Russia's political landscape is undergoing a subtle yet significant shift, with a new party, 'New People', emerging as a formidable force. This party, crafted by the Kremlin as a spoiler, has now become the second most popular political entity in the country, a remarkable transformation in just a few years. What's even more intriguing is the context in which this rise has occurred, marked by internet shutdowns and a simmering frustration among Russians towards the state. This article delves into the story of 'New People', exploring its origins, its appeal, and the potential implications for Russia's political future.
A Kremlin-Sanctioned Protest
'New People' was born in 2020, a strategic move by the Kremlin to channel protest votes into a controllable framework. The party's founder, Alexei Nechaev, an entrepreneur and owner of the Faberlic cosmetics company, approached Yuri Kovalchuk, one of Putin's closest allies, for sponsorship and organisation. Nechaev's three unwritten rules for parties in Russia - do not criticise Putin or his inner circle, do not organise protests, and do not accept foreign funding - set the tone for 'New People'.
In the 2021 parliamentary elections, 'New People' won 5.32% of the vote and 13 Duma seats, a significant achievement in a country where the parliament has been dominated by United Russia for years. However, the party's record in parliament has been more cautious, often voting in favour of measures it later criticised in public. This dual nature of the party has raised questions about its true intentions and its role in the Kremlin's political strategy.
The Internet Shutdowns and the Rise of 'New People'
The internet shutdowns in Russia, particularly the blocking of Facebook, Instagram, and the throttling of YouTube, have played a significant role in the rise of 'New People'. These restrictions have created a vacuum, leaving many Russians searching for a safe way to express their dissatisfaction. 'New People' has filled this void, offering a legalised form of protest that is less risky than non-systemic opposition.
The party's deputy Duma speaker, Vladislav Davankov, has been particularly effective in this regard. His petition against Telegram restrictions gathered over 1 million signatures, and the party's congress in March prominently featured the word 'VPN'. Davankov's appeal to anti-war voters, without ever using the word 'war' or calling for troop withdrawal, has also been a strategic move.
The Party's Appeal and Its Limits
'New People' has gained support by diverting sympathy from the old systemic opposition parties. The party's nominal liberalism has limits, however. While it has criticised restrictions without naming those responsible, it has also urged Russians to sign a letter calling on Telegram to open a Russian office, which would require user data to be held on servers accessible to Russian security services. This dual nature of the party has raised questions about its true intentions and its role in the Kremlin's political strategy.
The Kremlin's Next Move
As 'New People' builds its campaign ahead of the parliamentary elections in September, the Kremlin is already discussing how to reduce the party's support. The party's rise has opened space for manoeuvre within the Kremlin's carefully managed boundaries, with divisions over Telegram restrictions and the party's role in the political landscape. The Kremlin's next move will likely depend on whether Putin personally heads United Russia's electoral list and the economic situation in the country.
In conclusion, the rise of 'New People' is a fascinating development in Russia's political landscape. The party's ability to channel protest votes into a controllable framework has raised questions about its true intentions and its role in the Kremlin's political strategy. As the party continues to build its campaign, the Kremlin's next move will be crucial in determining the future of Russian politics.
